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of libya's ire -- ire veal -- irrelevance of u.s. policy. go back to the libyan's fate, one, the u.s. relations with lip ya has been, you know, u.s. has always looked at libya as something of a strange creature that we could use for certain -- as a piece, of a strategy that had to do with the region as a whole. it was never looked at -- it was never seen as an object in and of itself. could start with the relation of the soviets, the eisenhower doctrine, and the united states' desire to push back soviet influence. libya was desperately pleading for u.s. attention back then, for aid, to get itself together, to stand on its own feet. this was before the discovery of oil, and the u.s. took a, well, you know, you're not really important as e just a minute, for example, and, you know, we'll think about it, and the result was that the prime minister of the time, you know, basically devised a plan to court the soviets and see if he could grab the united states' attention, and that happened. the next, you know, major event was the libya's and gadhafi's successful bid to change drastically th
stability and security of the asia-pacific as we protect u.s. national interest. and, of course, the keys to success will be innovative access agreements, greatly increased exercises, rotational presence increases, efficient force posture initiatives that will maximize the dollars that we are given to stand. and it also is by putting our most capable forces forward, as was her newest most advanced equipment to ensure we effectively operate with our allies and partners across a wide range of operations as we work together for peace and stability. i was asked to keep these opening remarks at little shorter than the last time, so i can get to your questions. so i'd like to finish up with a couple of thoughts. the rebalanced is based on a strategy of collaboration and cooperation. thought containment. and that the united states is a pacific power that will remain a pacific power, and we at pacom look forward to doing our part to keep asia is difficult full, peaceful and secure for decades to come. thank you. >> will take our first question writer spent admiral, thank you for meeting
is the negotiators are probably going to use a baseline that is different from the congressional budget office and senator warner talks about getting savings from the tax rates going up on what the americans. as i understand, it is already built into the cbo baseline. so, in terms of getting to that four to 6 trillion-dollar how much are we talking a lot in terms of real savings and in terms of tax increases, and how much are we talking about in terms of coming you know, just a redefined baseline? and then in the other question is can you give us an idea in terms of framework we are likely to see at the end of the year are we just going to see a bunch of top line number $800 billion with some sort of trigger or are we going to see the details, and if we see a bunch of top line numbers, how long does it take to get to feeling that an and drafting the legislation to get it through the congress? >> i would like to answer the second question. >> there is an old adage that says you don't learn a lot on the second kick in the shin from a mule. we've down this road of process. we have 12 fighting hig
are facing now a possible theory of stearate using chemical weapons. they should've been abolished five or 10 years ago if the treaty had been enforced. so it seems to me, go for abolition of these weapons with good, thorough verification. i worked with inf despite the fact that two or three years before we got it, but that would be acceptable. >> rick, your turn. >> as the chairman of the global stearate u.s.a., i have to agree with jack. i won't expound on that. you know, there was no way when i was deeply involved in the issue in the early 80s that i could've foreseen gorbachev. nor could i foreseen the treaty. the zero option when it was propounded was preposterous. i post it. so did the secretary of state. reviewed this and i guess this is the lesson. we view this is largely a challenge and an opportunity and strengthen the alliance. we saw ourselves under threat. the doublecheck decision on deployment of the missiles was part of a broader political military exercise to strengthen the alliance to deal with whatever the next challenge we would face from the soviet union. what i have to sa
impression on a great many people around the world, and especially on the 100 of us who serve here. he commanded our respect in a remarkable way. part of it was because of his service in the war. he and bob dole, our former colleague, literally were wounded at about the same time in europe and were in the same hospital recovering from tremendously serious wounds. senator inouye, of course, later was awarded the congressional medal of honor for that. senator pryor was telling the story that when senator inouye was finally elected to congress he wrote senator dole a note and said, "i'm here. where are you?" because both of them, when they were recovering from their war wounds, had determined that one day they wanted to serve in the united states congress. inouye got here first. a few years ago senator inouye and senator ted stevens invited a number of us to go with them to china. it was quite an experience. senator stevens -- of course, another world war ii veteran -- had flown the first cargo play plane into what was then peking in 1974. and senator inouye was well-regarded in china for
to dissuade north korea from launching a missile. although they say for satellite into outer space it's using the same technology that's important, that would be used to launch a nuclear warhead. this type of missile technology is expressly covered under u.n. security council resolutions, prohibiting such testing of missiles and the type of technology, supported by china even. the last time in spring when china tried to launch a satellite, but it failed using this technology, china said we need to come out with a presidential statement from the united nations on this presidential statement condemning the actions of north korea can set the stage for tougher actions in the future if china -- if north korea were to launch another missile. that missile has been launched. we now think it's time for tougher actions since her engaging diplomatically with china and other members of the u.n. security council on tougher resolutions and possibly sanctions against north korea. >> make any progress quick >> if you type to the state department to figure out what's going on. we've conveyed very frankly, can
that told the story. the war blur that richard nixon used to trap him in the cross-examination, and these things, they live in a mythological memory. it was in the "new york times" three weeks ago or so in a box, you know, a-11, a war blur appeared in new york city in manhattan, and times photographed it, making the reference to this work we're going to talk about today, and then, i think, a classic status was enhanced by the seemingly never ending decades of controversy in which the defenders tried to make slanders of the authors of witness stick. today, i want to introduce the three panelists. this is an amazingly powerful group we have here. all at once. leave it to them. they will take it over. each, i hope, making remarks ten minute, and we'll open it up for further discussion. elliot a -- abrams had a remarkable strings of enormous importance. i remember him going back to the early reagan years. he began my knowledge with human rights, and that was really something, the jimmy carter invention of human rights, and in charge of latin american affairs, positions
realizes when he has a gun, he or she, it is a huge responsibility. if you use this weapon irresponsibly or wrongly you could get yourself in legal trouble, you could cause unnecessary death, you did not intend to harm to, makes you very careful. it should make you very careful and for most people it does but it would make people more careful if they all had to pass some kind of test before they get licensed. >> before you can drive a car. >> you don't always have a gun in many localities. >> former new york times editor craig whitney on the history of gun ownership and then control in america from living with guns:a liberal's case for the second amendment saturday night at 10:00 eastern on booktv's afterwards, part of four days of nonfiction books and authors on c-span2. >> democratic senator daniel inouye died monday at the age of 88. the senate's senior member was serving his seventh term. tribute continued yesterday. this portion is an hour. >> first, my friend, chairman of the judiciary committee has been honored to receive one of the senate's high honors in the senate, i congratula
, msnbc and npr. he's in washington d.c. her very happy to have them with us here today. [applause] the dictators learning curve is a look at an arms race, speaking metaphorically that dictators and democratic activist trying to overthrow and both sides have had to up their game in recent years. for those of you who think foreign policy is about trade agreements, arms treaties come arcing border disputes, let me assure you it's a lively read a stun dobson's travels across the world and the steam setting, anecdotes and memorable characters. they are an admiral. i'm supposed to say the top of the hour were going to lead about 15 minutes for a question-and-answer session. people to line up at the microphone in the middle aisle and afterward totally done, we're going to go to the book signing tent, where will the signed copies of the book. so, to start off panic and you give us a brief description of the central thrust of your book. >> sure, absolutely. for two and a half years i spent time traveling to a number of different authoritarian countries and around the world may be as helpfu
. my father had been a career army officer for a period in the u.s. army and served in world war ii and korea and later became a hospital administrator. >> so you say conservative, orthodox conservative reform? >> right in the middle. >> did you fight in the 1967 war? >> i was a kid. >> you were a kid. did you fight any war? >> i fought in a couple of them, yes. i fought in the lebanon war. i was quite involved in the lebanon war. i served in the israeli paratroopers. i was in the israeli special forces. >> what year? >> june 1982. wars in the middle east occurred in june, almost to the day. it's probably a good war- fighting weather. i was among the first forces to -- of israeli forces to enter the city of beirut in june 1982. my actual unit was decimated in an ambush and we ended up being attached to all sorts of other units for the duration of the war. later on, i became one of the few israelis to be a veteran of the gulf war. in a period just before the outbreak of the gulf war, i was assigned as a strategic liaison between the army and the u.s. fleet. in the book, i went out th
Search Results 0 to 9 of about 10

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